The Iraq war ten years after: Bremer's story- I
It has been ten years on the second US war with Iraq, the
2003 invasion. Much has been written and spoken about the war. What went wrong
in Iraq after the invasion? Why did the US disband the army and the police? Why
and how did Ayatollah Sistani rise to prominence in the post invasion Iraq even
though he was of the quietist Shia orientation during the pre- invasion years?
How did the US deal with the Sunnis of Iraq? How did the Kurds react to the
invasion and what demands did they have for the New Iraq? What is the logic and
reason for debaathification? What was the issue with holding free elections as
pushed for by Ayatollah Sistani?
An excellent source of insight into what went
right or wrong after the old regime was defeated is My Year in Iraq by L. Paul Bremer. Mr. Bremer was the head of the
Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), George W Bush’s man in Iraq, a man who
ruled Iraq for 14 months. The sorry
state of Iraq today, particularly the Sunni-Shia relations, the situation with
the Kurds, has a lot to do with that critical period of the history of Iraq.
Instead of approaching Iraq with the idea that a dictatorship was defeated and
the democratically minded should set up a rule based on not only free elections
but all the other important and critical elements of democracy, it is clear
from reading Bremer’s memoir that the CPA dealt with Iraq as a contrived state
with three discrete and competing communities. Baathism, the Arab nationalist
ideology that ruled Iraq for decades and is still, at least nominally, ruling
Syria, was seen as akin to Nazism. Excerpts
below clarify a number of important points on how America ruled/misruled Iraq. The
subheadings are mine.
How does Bremer see the US legacy in Iraq?
Nonetheless, “WE can take a measure of satisfaction that we
acted responsibly as a temporary custodians of Iraq’s sovereignty this past
year,” I concluded that as a result of the president’s courage and the
Coalition’s efforts, “Iraq has before it a path toward a better future. It is a
future of hope for all Iraqis, a future where Iraqis can say what they want,
study what they will, travel as they please, and pursue the daily joys of work,
family, and faith which we in America have been privileged to enjoy for
centuries. 393
How did Bremer see conquered Iraq?
After World War I, the British had cobbled
Iraq together from three provinces of the former Ottoman Empire, an ally of
Imperial Germany. The disparate people of Iraq formed a patchwork with sharp
ethnic and sectarian differences. In the south, the Shiite Muslim Arab majority
had strong religious ties to Iran. The Sunni Arab minority, about 20 percent of
the population, was anchored on tribes and clans of central Iraq. And for
hundreds of years, first under the Ottoman Turks, then under the Baathists, the
Sunnis had ruled Iraq. Kurds and Turkmen, also Sunni Muslims, but not Arabs,
dominated the north. And there were yet other minorities, such as Christians
and Yazidis.38
How did Bremer see the Baath?
For almost three decades, the Baath Party had
subjugated Iraq. Like the Nazis and Soviet Communists, the Iraqi Baathist
Party-dominated by Saddam and other Sunni Arabs-had controlled not only
political life, but Iraq's entire society through a combination of police state
terror and toadyism, while mismanaging a corrupt command economy. 38
The debaathification policy
“We don’t
know Iraq as well as the Iraqis themselves do,” I said. So we had to engage
responsible Iraqis from the start in the de-Baathification process. Further, we
had to admit our order wasn’t perfect, but contained a degree of
flexibility.”42
There was a
sea of bitching and moaning [from ORHA- Office of Reconstruction and
Humanitarian Assistance] with lots of them saying how hard it was going to be.
I reminded them that the president's guidance is clear: de-Baathification will
be carried out even if at a cost to administrative efficiency. An ungood time
was had by all. 45 [email to wife]
"I urge
the Coalition to go beyond the decree issued today, to conduct even more
aggressive de-Baathification," Chalabi said.48
While I was dealing with the Kurds, Dick Jones and Scott
Carpenter grappled with Ahmad Chalabi, who had suddenly proposed Draconian
anti-Baathist language for the TAL. Our de-Baathification policy had targeted
only the top 1 percent of the party’s members, but under Chalabi’s direction,
the Iraqi De-Baathification Council had broadened the policy, for example,
depriving thousands of teachers of their jobs. This was contrary to our policy
since we recognized that under Saddam teachers were effectively forced to join
the party or lose their jobs. Clearly I had been wrong to give a political body
like the Governing Council responsibility for overseeing the de-Baathification
policy. 297
Since abolishing the Baathist Defense Ministry and the
Mukhabarat intelligence service the previous May, we had labored to lay the
foundation for the responsible institutions to replace them. 320
Many candidates with the requisite skills that David vetted
turned out to be Sunni Baathists with blood on their hands. But eventually he
had identified solid men for the jobs. 320
At a subsequent NSC meeting that afternoon, Abizaid said
the situation in Sunni areas was worse than expected. “We need to bring back
more old army officers.” 338
“We’ve got to remember that the Kurds and especially the
Shia will be watching anything we do very closely.” 339
In a subsequent meeting with the Governing Council, when
Sanchez mentioned his intention to recall “several” Iraqi generals, many
members, including Talabani, were firm that such a move had to be subjected to
“strict vetting.” This was still a very sensitive issue. 341
Should we call back members of the army? Should we revoke
our de-Baathification policy, as some in Washington now seemed to want? 341
This went well beyond the intent of our intent of our
initial policy. Iraqi children were paying the price. But to say anything about
de-Baathification would be to provoke a strong reaction from the Shia. 341
I pointed out that I had explicitly said the policy was the
right one for Iraq, but it needed to be better implemented. Chalabi said my
proposal about the teachers was as if we had allowed the Nazis back into
government in Germany. 344
Later, speaking to Rice, I found that she has also been
caught unaware by the appointment. “It looks awful on TV,” she said. “The guy
looks just like Saddam!” 345 [former Republican Guard officer Saleh] 345
Why did Bremer disband the army?
"Not on
my watch," I responded. Slocombe added that "recalling" the old
army would therefore mean, at best, trying to construct some new units
commanded by Sunni officers with the lower ranks, too, dominated by Sunnis
loyal to them personally, potentially another set of warlords and militias.
Moreover, even if we could find some Sunni officers who we were satisfied were
uncompromised to lead such a force, most Iraqi Shia and Kurds would see this as
the Coalition trying to restore Saddamism without Saddam.55
For a dozen
years after the first Gulf War, the Kurds had enjoyed considerable autonomy,
protected from Saddam's forces by American airpower. And in early meetings,
Kurdish leaders Jalal Talabani and Massoud Barzani made it clear to me that the
Kurds would "never" accept a formula to reconstitute and re-arm units
of the former Iraqi army.55
The distrust
the Shia population and leaders felt for the old army was, if anything, even
deeper. They remembered the slaughter carried out by Saddam's army after the
Gulf War, and many Shia felt lingering anger that America had not intervened
then to stop the killing. Nonetheless, since Liberation, Shia leaders,
including Grand Ayatollah Sistani, had encouraged their followers to cooperate
with the Coalition. We couldn't risk losing that cooperation. 55
Walt noted
that some might argue that bringing back vetted Sunni officers would co-opt the
old officer corps to support the Coalition. But as Walt pointed out, this
argument ignored the problem posed by the enormous size and top-heavy structure
of Saddam's army. Sitting atop the 400,000 largely Shia draftees had been an
officer corps of several hundred thousand, mostly Sunnis. Saddam's army had
been about the size of the American army. But America was a country with more
than ten times the population of Iraq, and the Iraqi army had 11,000 generals,
whereas America's had only 300. P. 55
We carefully
coordinated this critical process with the Pentagon. On May 19, I sent a memo
to Secretary Rumsfeld detailing our recommendations for the dissolution of the
Iraqi Defense Ministry and its "related entities," including Saddam's
intelligence, security, and propaganda services as well as the army, other
military units, and paramilitary forces. The action, I said, would be "a
critical step in our effort to destroy the underpinnings of the Saddam regime,
to demonstrate to the Iraqi people that we have done so and that neither Saddam
nor his gang is coming back." 57
Once this
plan had been approved by Washington, CPA and CENTCOM units focused on a
two-phased approach to reintegration of demobilized Iraqi [58] soldiers. We
sought out former conscripts, especially in the Shia heartland, for public
works programs. Then Slocombe announced that we intended to have a full
division NIA of about 12,000 soldiers trained and operational in one year, and
three divisions a year later. We would recruit officers and noncommissioned
officers from the old army, as well as from Kurdish and Shia anti-Saddam
militia resistance groups, to command these new units. 57-8
Months
later, as I was preparing to leave Iraq, Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani told me
that the decision formally to "disband" the old army was the best
decision the Coalition made during our fourteen months in Iraq.58
As our
motorcade of armed pickups and white SUVs moved on, Barzani, still gazing over
the fields of battle, grasped my hand and said, "Congratulations on
formally abolishing Saddam's army. It's a wonderful thing you've done. It
proves that the Coalition is serious about creating a new and united
Iraq." 59
At an Iraqi NSC meeting
May 2, Defense Minister [Ali] Allawi said it [Falluja Brigade] risked a “severe
backlash among the Shia.” He noted that the unit would help stabilize the city
only because the “enemy is inside the brigade.” 345
The violent reaction to the Fallujah Brigade was dramatic
proof of the danger the Coalition would have courted by trying to recall
Saddam’s army, as some had proposed. 346
Bremer
and the Governing Council
“Look,” I said, “you can’t very well hope to run a country
of 25 million people without working hard.
The Governing Council works fewer hours in a week than the CPA works
every day.” 123
The one issue on which the GC did work quickly was paying
for itself. A sub-committee chaired by
Chalabi had come up with an outrageous budget for the Council. Chalabi’s proposal was that members be paid
$50,000 a year, when ministers received about $4,000. They were to have a gasoline allowance, which
David Oliver wryly noted would allow each member to drive fifty thousand miles
a month in a country with poor roads! 124
This day I told the Council that the budget they proposed
for the twenty-five-member GC was more than that of the Education Ministry,
which had more than 325,000 employees.
Chalabi protested that after all this was just a “draft” budget. 124
“But look [addressing Meghan O’Sullivan, governance
advisor] at the P-9, for God’s sake. When I asked to meet them yesterday to
discuss the path ahead, half of them didn’t even show up. Pachachi hasn’t been
in Iraq since August, Chalabi’s been gone a month, again. Barzani and Talabani
haven’t been to Baghdad in weeks. How are we going to persuade anyone to take
this crowd seriously” 202
The Elections
Response to
Chalabi wanting elections:
Right,
I thought. Without a constitution, with
the Baathist legal code still in place, no census, no electoral laws, and no
laws on political party activities. 89
I
let him run his course and then recalled our first meeting in May. “I told the
G-7 then that you didn’t represent Iraq.
You were exiles. I challenged you to broaden yourselves to include
Iraqis who had lived here under Saddam, to add women, Christians, Turkmen, and
tribal leaders. You agreed to do it, but
you haven’t.” 89
“I
will certainly consider this,” he said.
On the way out, Chalabi bitterly noted to British Ambassador Sawers that
from what he’d heard, we had far too many “Islamist” candidates for the
Governing council. He was a leading [90]
secularist, better known for his love of things Western than Islamic. At this point, Chalabi apparently saw his
political future in a secular Iraqi government.
Iran and the US
"Let's
start with security," I said. "The situation in Baghdad is improving.
But we've still got problems. The violence is coming from three sources:
looters, die-hard Baathists-who include Fedayeen Saddam-and Mukhabarat
paramilitaries. The Iranians may be playing around a bit, too." 71
"What
do the Iraqis think of that?" the president asked. 71
"Based
on my talks with Shiite tribal leaders in the south and others, they don't want
those guys from Iran mucking around in Iraq." 71
"Will
they be able to run a free country?" he asked. "Some of the Sunni
leaders in the region doubt it. They say, 'All Shia are liars.' What's your
impression?"
"Well, I don't agree. I've already met a number of honest, moderate Shia and I'm confident we can deal with them."71
"Well, I don't agree. I've already met a number of honest, moderate Shia and I'm confident we can deal with them."71
Now
one more explosive matter involving Chalabi added to the tensions. On May 3,
Newsweek had reported that Chalabi told an Iranian operative that America had
broken Iranian Intelligence codes and was reading their secret messages.
(Chalabi denied that he had done so, claiming the charges were a CIA smear.)
363
“They’re
motivated by Iran,” Barzani said scornfully, showing again his distrust of the
Shia clergy.
The constitution and the political
system
Secretary
Powell had kept a thoughtful silence for most of the discussion. We'd known and
respected each other for years-since he was U.S. Army V Corps commander in Cold
War Europe and I was American ambassador to the Netherlands. Now he said,
"Some assumptions, Jerry: Assuming the best case
over the next few months and we get representative government in Iraq, that'll
have a Shia majority. Will we also have Sharia law, as in Nigeria or
Pakistan?" He referred to Islamic law based on the Koran. 73
“Mr.
Secretary,” I said, “it’s my understanding that Sharia can exist side by side
with Western secular law as it does here in Qatar as long as Sharia is limited
to family issues.” 73
I
recognized that he [Roman] was right. But as usual in Iraq, our problem was
still more complicated. The Kurds and Sunnis didn’t want the U.S. to give up
authority unless they had confidence that they would not be at the mercy of the
Shia Islamists. So they insisted on having written guarantees in place
concerning federalism and minority rights before the U.S. government
relinquished political control. To achieve this, they wanted a constitution.
211
“Well,
we’ve got three main problems: how to resolve the Shias’ concerns about
elections, how to reach out to the Sunni Arabs, and how to keep the Kurds on
board.” 267 [telling Tony Blair]
First among them was
the role of religion. The Shia Islamist
parties, SCIRI and Dawa, had proposed that the TAL assert that the Islam is
“the” basis of all law. The issue was a
political hot button to all sides. In
December, SCIRI’s Hakim had taken advantage of his tenure as GC president to
force through Resolution 137, which called for the imposition of Sharia across
Iraq. This was anathema to the Kurds and
Arab Sunnis, but also to secular Shiites, especially women. At the time, I had publicly refused to sign
their resolution into law. 292
On February 27, the Islamists returned to the Council with
the role of Islam still unsettled. In a
surprise move, Pachachi opened the meeting by calling on one of the GC’s female
members, Dr. Raja Khuzai, a secular Shia doctor. She had brought a crowd of women and press
into the council chamber, and proposed repealing Resolution 137. Caught off guard, the Council voted to repeal
the resolution, which provoked loud ululations from the crowd and an angry
walkout by the Islamist Shia members. 293
I added that the TAL [Transitional Administrative Law]
respected the rights of every citizen—a not-too-subtle reminder that Sharia law
might infringe the rights of non-Muslims, as well as secular Muslims, and of
emancipated women.294
There
were serious challenges. The security problems with Muqtada al-Sadr and
Fallujah were unresolved. We’d simply postponed inevitable showdowns in order
to preserve the fragile political process. The Islamist Shia had never accepted
Brahimi, the secular Sunni Arab nationalist, and they were still uneasy about
the UN, Saddam’s longtime unofficial “ally” in their eyes. Some Shia worried
that the CPA might not respect their majority status in Iraq and deny them a
plurality in the interim government. Yet the Sunnis clearly needed broader
representation in the new government. And the Kurds, well, they were sure to be
demanding. 348
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